د بلوچستان مسئله او د هغي درست حل

احسان الله

بلوچستان درقبي لحاظ سره د پاکستان د ټولو نه غټه صوبه ده چي رقبه يي 347190 مربع کلوميټره ده چي د پاکستان د ټولي رقبي څه 43 في صده جوړيږي.ديواندازي مطابق د صوبي آبادي تقريباًاته ميلينه ده.په دے کښي څلويښت فيصده پښتانه دي چي د علاقي په مغرب اوشمال کښي د افغانستان بارډر سره خواکښي پراته دي.براهوي بلوچيان چي شل فيصده دی دتربت جنوبي اړخ ته پراته دي چي پکښي دپينجګور، بيله،خوزداراو قلات څه علاقي هم پکښي رازي ددواړه قومونه ښه امن خوښونکي اوکاروباري دي.باقي پاتي مرکزي او په مشرقي سرحد پراته بلوچيان چي بارډري يي سنده او پنجاب صوبوسره لګي مهمي علاقي دي کوم کښي چي مري،بګټي،مينګل،رنداو دغه شان نور قبائل اوسيګي چي ډيري پکښي امن خوښي قبائل دي خومسئله څه بګټي،مري او مينګل قبائلو کښي ده کوم چي په علاقي خپل تسلط غواړي. دا قبائل په خپل ميځ کښي هم وران دي او د يو بل تسلط لاندي يا يوبل سره هم ژوند تيرول نه غواړي.   

   دجعرافي اوقدرتي وسائلولحاظ سره دا صوبه د پاکستان اهم ترين صوبه ده. دا صوبه پاکستان دوه ملکونو يعني ايران چي ورسره د صوبي832 کلوميټره سرحداودافغانستان 1120 کلوميټره سرحد لګيدلي دے.دغه باؤنډري په يواړخ دادے صوبي اهميت سيوا کوي او په بل اړخ صوبي کښي دمسئلوپيدا کولوغټه وجه ده ځکه چي بغاوت کونکي شرپيدا کړي اوبيا دغه ملکونو ته تختي او وخت په وخت د بيرون ملکونو په اشارو دغه کارونه کوي.  

دپاکستان جوړيدو نه وړاندي بلوچستان بيله صوبه نه وه بلکي د قلات، خاران، مکران اولس بيله په شان په وړو رياستونو باندي مشتمل يوه علاقه وه چي فيرنګي ايجنټان پري نګرانان وو. قلات په ټولو کښي غټ رياست وودهندوستان تقسيم نه دوه ورځي وړاندي ددغه رياستونوواک لرونکو په دے شرط په پاکستان کښې دشرکت اعلان وکړو چي درياستونو آزادحيثيت به برقرارساتلي شي بلوچ سردارنويي هم حمايت وکړو په مئي 1948 کښي ميراحمد يار چي د قلات حکمران ووپاکستان سره الحاق وکړو.په دغي تري خپل رور مير عبدالکريم خفه شواو د بغاوت اعلان يي وکړو هغه په دغه وخت کښي دقلات ګورنروواوډيرطاقتورکس ګنړلي کيدوخودپاکستان حکومت له ويري افغانستان ته وتښتيدواوهلته نه به يي حملي کولي.

په دغه علاقه کښي وخت په وخت لانجي رواني وي خودغي اصل زوردون يونټ جوړولو نه پس ونيو ځکه چي بلوچ سرداران د وړومبي ورځي نه د آزاد رياستونوپه حيڅ پاکستان کښي شموليت کړي وو خوون يونټ جوړولو يي دغه سوچ بدل کړواود حکومت خلاف يي بغاوت شروع کړوچي مشري يي بلوچ سردار نواب نوروز خان کوله. ايوب دورکښي هغه ګرفتار کړي شو اوحيدرآباد جيل کښي پري په فوجي عدالت کښي مقدمه وچلولي شوه اوهغه ته دخاندان نورپنځه کسانوسره پهانسي ورکړي شوه.څه وخت پس د نواب شير محمد بجراني،مينګل او بګټي قبائلودعلاقي په وسائلو کښي خپله يعني د سردارانوحصه غوښتلو باندي ګوريلاجنګ شروع کړوچي ډير لګ وخت کښي د علاقي ډير ځايونو کښي ښور شو. بغاوت ختمولو له پاره ايوب خان د خبرو اترو په ځائي فوج استعمال وکړو چي درست قدم نه وو دغي قدم بلوچيانو کښي د ملک سره مينه ختمول شروع کړل. يحي خان چي د ملک صدر شو نو د ولي خان په وينه يي ون يونټ ختم کړواو دغي رياستونو له يي د بلوچستان صوبي درجه ورکړه کوم چي دغه بغاوت وقتي طور ختم کړو.

د 1970 په اتخاباتوکښي بلوچستان د بيلي صوبي په حيث اليکشن کښي حصه واغسته چي پکښي د ولي خان نيشنل عوامي پارټي په ټوټل 20 سيټونو کښي3 وګټل او د مولانا مفتي محمود چي 3 سيټونه يي ګټلي وو سره په بلوچستان صوبه کښي حکومت جوړ کړوخو دبهټو له وجهي دغه اتحادي حکومت  ډيرزرختم شوکوم چي بلوچستان کښي يو ځل بيا بغاوت ته دعوت ورکړو دے ځل د بغاوت سربراهي نواب خير بخش مري کوله. دغه بغاوت زر ختم شو. د مشرف په وخت کښي د صوبي حالت ډيرخراب شو. نواب اکبر بګټي اوبالاچ مري وفاق ته 15نقاتي ايجنډامخي ته کيښوده چي پکښي دبلوچستان خودمختاري سره سره د صوبي په وسائلوکښي بلوچ سردارانو ته خپل حق ورکړي شي دغي کښي هغوي په بلوچستان کښي نورو فوجي چهاونړو جوړولوهم مخالفت وکړو.په دغي حکومت هډو سوچ ونه کړوپه جواب کښي نواب اکبر بګټي په صوبه کښي په فوج حملي او ګيس لائنونه الوزول شروع کړل اود ګوريله جنګ شروع يي وکړه ديورپورټ مطابق "د اکبربګټې کسانو په يو ورځ څلور نيم سوه راکټونه دسوئي په هغه ځائي فائر کړل کوم ځائي نه چي ګيس راوباسلي شي". نواب اکبر بګټي نه يواځي د ايف سي بلکي ليويز، صوبائي حکومت او د ټولو نه اهم د پاکستان خلاف کار کوو.ددغي مخ نيوي له پاره صوبائي حکومت په ايف سي او ليوي کښي بهرتي شروع کړه چي نه يواځي د بګټي مخه ونيولي شي بلکي د بلوچستان ځوانانو ته نوکري هم ورکړي د حکومت له ويري.نواب اکبر بګټي د خپلو ملګرو سره غرونو ته وتښتيدواوهلته نه به يي حملي کولي کوم چي حکومت د هغه خلاف قدم پورته کولو باندي مجبوره کړو او په 2006 کښي په يو غار کښي سره د څلور فوجي افسرانوووژل شو.

د نواب اکبر بګټي مرګ د بلوچستان بيلولوخبري ته وده ورکړه او بغاوت کونکو بلوچيانودغه خپله پاليسي وګرزوله او په دغي يي کار شروع کړو.په دغه دوران کښي د بلوچ نيشنل موومنټ مشر غلام محمد بلوچ ووژلي شواوددغي ذمه وارپاکستاني ايجنسي وګرزولي شوي .د غلام محمد مرګ حالات نور هم خراب کړل اوآزادي غوښتونکي تنظيمونو اوس خپلي کاروائي په آآزادي سره کول شروع کړي. په  دے لړکښي په12 اګست 2009 خان آف قلات مير سليمان داؤځان دبلوچستان حکمران وګرځواو په نوي بلوچستان کښي يي د ايران بلوچ حصي شاملولو مطالبه هم وکړه. دهغه مطابق دغي له پاره هغه ته دډيرملکونه خاص کر يورپي ملکونونه سپورټ ميلاويګي.برهمداغ بګټي چي په افغانستان کښي ناست دےاودهغه دوينامطابق هغه ته د هندوستان نه علاوه دامريکي سي آئی اےاړخ نه هم سپورټ ميلاويګي.      

لکه څنګه چي بره ذکر وکړي شو چي دا ټول کارونه ډير وخت راسي په بلوچستان کښي راروان دي خو حکومت بيا هم ځان کونړ کړي دے په سوونو خلق بےقصوره مري اوتپوس يي چا نه کوو خوکله چي دا خبره د امريکي کانګرس کميټي دانساني حقوقو په بنياد راوچته کړه نو د پاکستان حکومت او سياستدانان چي د خپل جنګ ځان نه وزګار نه ووراويخ شواووائي چي دے کښي دا امريکي څه کار دے زمونږ مسئله ده مونږ به يي حل کوو.نو کله به يي حل کوي چي خدائے مکه دغه صوبه بيله شي بيا.او پاتي شوه د امريکي خبره نو هغوي سره خو خبره کول ضروري دي چي زمونږ کار کښي کار نه لري هغوي دا جوازوړاندي کوي چي دا مسئله مونږ دانساني حقوق خلاف ورزي کولو په وجه کړي کوم چي يو درست جواز نه دے ځکه چي د انساني حقوقو خلاف ورزي خو د بلوچستان نه زيات ددنيا په نورو ډيرو ځايونو لکه فلسطين،کشميراونور ډيرو ځايونو کښي هم کيږي نو دوي ته هغه نه ښکاري اويواځي بلوچستان ورته ښکاري.

اصل خبره وس دا پيدا کيږي چي بلوچستان کښي د نړي نور ملکونه ولي دلچسپي اخلي ؟هغوي د باغي بلوچوامدادولي کوي؟ددے شاته يو بيل تاريخ او مطلبونه دي .دبلوچستان جرړي په ايران او افغانستان کښي هم شته. امريکي د وړومبي ورځي نه پاکستان په خپل لاس کښي اغستي دي اوددغي په ذريعه يي افغانستان ته ځان دننه کړواو تر وسه پوري په افغانستان کښي دي خوکاميابيدل يي ګران  ښکاري. وس يي سترګي ايران ته راواړولي  چي ايران کښي به ځان ځائي کړي خو ايران ورله د ګوتي ځائي هم نه ورکوي نودغي مقصد له پاره يي داکوشش شروع کړو چي د پاکستان بلوچستان باغي قبائل په اوګه به ټوپک کيګدي او ايران ته به ځان دننه کړي.په دے شان به امريکه په يو تير دوه ښکاره وکړي يوبه ايران ته ځان دننه کړي او بل به د بلوچستان صوبه د پاکستان نه بيله کړي کوم چي ددوي د زړۀ غټ ارمان دے.

ددغي مقاصد پوره کولو له پاره يي دا خبره راپورته کړي چي بلوچستان کښي د انساني حقوقوخلاف ورزي کيږي اودغي له پاره څه کول پکار دي او د بلوچيانو په خله کښي يي آزاد بلوچستان اچولي دے  چي ورسره دايران بلوچ علاقي شاملولوخبره هم کوي. حالانکي دغه بلوچيانوته هم پته ده چي امريکه او نور يورپي ملکونه د خدائي له پاره ددوي امدادنه کوي اوکه دوي امداد کول غوښتل نووسه پوري يي ولي نه کوو.هغوي ته د پاکستان اوايران يو بل ته جوښتيدل هم ښه نه ښکاري ځکه يي پاکستان ته د بلوچيانومسئله راوچته کړيده چي دوي ايران ته نزدي نه شي اودغي مقصد حاصلولو له پاره يي د خزاني خله باغيانه سوچ لرونکي بلوچيانو ته کولو کړي ده د دغي په بدله کښي دغه بلوچيان په صوبه کښي انتشار خورولو له پاره معصومه خلق وجني .

داخودبيروني ملکونو په بلوچستان کښي حال وو.وس راځوپه صوبه کښي دننه دوفاقي حکومت کارکردګي ته چي دصوبي دےحالت ته راوستو کښي دهغوي څومره لاس دے اوهغه کوم عوامل دي چي حالات يي دے ځائي ته راورسول؟. لکه څنګه چي بره ذکر وشو چي بلوچستان د پاکستان ټولو نه غټۀ صوبه ده اودقدرتي وسائل نه هم ډکه ده اود پاکستان حکومت تري هم ښه فائده وچته وي خود پارليماني نظام حکومت اصولو مطابق هغوي له د دغه وسائلو په بدله کښي  دومره نه ورکوي کوم چي د صوبي حق دے او کوم چي ورکوي هغه هم د نيشت برابر دے څو وخت وړاندي په بلوچستان کښي د سرو غرونه راښتلي وو وفاقي حکومت د بلوچ قوم د تپوس نه غير د دغي ټيکه بيروني کمني له په ډير ارزان قيمت ورکړي وي کوم چي د بلوچ عوام سره ډير زياتي دے نو ځکه خود صوبي خلق د وفاقي حکومت نه متنفره دي که وفاقي حکومت بلوچستان ځان سره ساتل غواړي نو صوبي له به وس داوسائلونه زياته حصه ورکوي چي ددوي سره د تيرو شپيتوکالو شوي زياتي ازاله وشي.دے نه علاوه وفاقي حکومت دے په.صوبه کښي دا تعليم شرح زياتولو له پاره کار وکړي اونوي کول له دے نه يواځي په دغه صوبه کښي بلکي وفاق او نورو صوبو کښي هم خپله کوټه ورکړي چي د هغوي مرورتيا ختمه شي. دے سره سره حکومت له پکار دي چي عوام سره خپله رابطه جوړه کړي او ځان داهغوي مسئلونه باخبره ساتي کوم چي دوي ته مخي ته دي هسي نه چي ددوي دغه مسئلي نورخلق خپل مطلب له پاره استعمال کړي لکه څنګه چي وس استعماليږي.که دا کارحکومت وړاندي کړي وي نونن به داصوبي داحال نه وو.

دپاکستان حکومت له پکاردي چي دبلوچيانوپه مسئلو کښي دے د زړه دخلاصه دلچسپي او دهغوي هغه مسئلي دے په وړومبي فرصت کښي حل کړي کومي چي حل کول ضروري دي. ځکه چي دنني اختلافات بيروني قوتونه استعمالوي او په دغه لړ کښي خپل مطلبونه وباسي دے حکومت له پکاردي چي دغه اختلافات زر تر زره ختم کړي اوبلوچيان رونړه دے بيا خپل کړي هسي نه چي دوي په دے کار کښي سستي کوي اواوبه دسرنه واوړي اوبيا لاس مروړي اوڅه کولي نه شي.که داسي وشو نو بيا پاکستان ته موقع ميلاويدل ګران دي چي هغوي دغه صوبه خپله کړي .دا فوج اواپريشن په ځائي دےدامسئله په اتفاق سره په ناسته حل کړي.

دپاکستان سياستدانواوخاص کرد بلوچستان سياسدانان دےددےمسئلي کښي ذاتي دلچسپي واخلي چي دمسئله په آرام سره حل کړي.حکومت به دا مسئله حل کولو کښي ډيراحتياط نه کاراخلي.دے له پاره دے يوه جرګه جوړه کړې شي چي پکښي د بلوچستان نمائندګي ډيره وي سياستدانانواو قبائلي مشرانو سره سره داسي خلق دے هم پکښي راوبلي کوم ته چي بلوچ قوم د عزت په سترګه ګوري.دے نه علاوه په دے جرګه کښي دنورو صوبوسره سره دا وفاق نمائندګي هم ضروري ده.دجرګي غړي که د هر ځائي نه وي اعتباري پکاردي چي.داجرګي خبري اتري بهر ته نه وباسي ځکه چي دے مسئله کښي ډير ملکونه ګوتي وخي اوهغوي به د نه غواړي چي دامسئله دے تر هغي حل شي ترکومي چي د هغوي مطلب نه وي پوره شوي.بل داچي دوي کوم سردارانو سره دا خبري کوي چي وړومبي دوي هغوي اعتماد کښي اغستي وي او قسمي کړي يي وي چي دغه خبرو اترو نه درنه څوک خبر نه شي. دے جرګه کښي به د مهم رول د بلوچ عوام وي او هم دلته به هغوي خپله نماندګي ثابتوي. په جرګه کښي به بلوچ سرداران اومشران ډيرډيمانډونه کوي خوحکومت به ورسره ډير مني اوصرف هغه به نه مني کوم چي ملکي بقا ته نقصان رسوي.سياستدانان که په حکومت کښي دي اوکه په اپوزيشن کښي ،که ددے صوبي دي اوکه د نورو صوبو دي خپلي فائدي اونقصان دے يواړخ ته کيږدي اودبلوچ عوام فائدي خبره دے وکړي چي يوځل بيا بلوچستان خپل کړي اودوي سره تير شوي ذياتو ازاله وشي. 

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احسان الله

يو داسي علاقه چي د پاکستان حکومت يي خپل جا ګير ګنړي خوهغه نماندګي نه ورکوي کوم چي د دے علاقي حق دے په ځائي د دے چي دپاکستان حکومت دا خپله کړي ور سره د ميرنے مور سلوک کوي.لکه څنګه چي د پاکستان ځنے ليډران دا خپلول نه غواړي دغه شان ددي علاقے د ملکانانو او عوام تر مينځه هم يو تضاد موجود دے دَ دواړو طرفو مفادات دَ يوقسم دَترقي په غوښتو کښي تفاوتونه لري.

که دفا ټا په تا ريخ نظر واچولي شي نو دا به معلومه شي چي ددے علاقي مثال د هغي يتيم دے چي د هغه ماشوم توب ډيرپه عذاب کښي تير شوي وي او وس يي بدو ته پام شوي وي او دغه خوا او شاه خلق تري تنګ وي خو څه وائيلي نه شئ او غواړي چي د هغه سره مصلحت وکړي خو وخت پرې تير وي.دوي غواړي چي د په څه رضا کړي خوهغه نه مني.دفا ټا مثال بلکل هم د دغه يتيم دے ځکه چي ټول عمر ورسره د يتيم سلوک شوي دي چا ورته توجه نه دا ورکړي او هر حکمران د خپل مقاصدو له پاره استعمال کړي ده اوهيڅ قسمه سهوليات يي ورله نه دي ورکړي ځکه خو هغوي د مجبوري نه هغه کارونه شروع کړل کوم چي دوي له نه وو پکار خومجبوري انسان ډيرهغه کارونوکولوباندي مجبوره کړي کوم چي هغه کول نه غواړي.د فا ټا د خلقو دغه مجبوري وه چي هغوي ته په خپل کور کلي کښي هغه سهوليات نه وو کوم چي د پاکستان حکومت ذمه واري وه چي دوي له په خپل کورکلي کښي ورله د مزدوري څه اسباب جوړ کړي خپل بنيادي حقوق ورکړي خوحکومت دغه اهمي سيمي ته هيڅ توجه نه د ورکړي او داسي يي هيره کړي چي هډو نوم يي نه اخلي.او دادوي قصداداسي کوي ځکه چي د حکومت په خيال دغي علاقي ته دوي دغه سهوليات ورکړل نو بياکيدي شي چي د دے علاقي خلق او دغه علاقه په دوي کار وو نه لري.

دغه ټولي زړي خبري دي کومي چي مو نږد راروان 60 کالو راسي کوو او واورو خو مني يي څوک نه او نه پري څوک عمل کوي.که څه کوي هغه به دغه قبائل په خپله کوي حالانکه د خوااو شا سيمو خلق د دوي په حق کښي ټول عمر لګيا وو خو چا يي هم نه اوريدل.د افغانستان مسئلي ددي علاقي اهميت ډير زيات سيوا کړو.دغي د پاکستان مشران دے خبري ته مجبوره کړل چي د قبائلي علاقه باره کښي مکمل سوچ پکار دے ګني دا به ددےدلته حالات نور هم خراب کړي.

د تيرو څو ورځو راسي په پاکستان کښي د نوي صوبي جو ړولو خبري کيږي.بعض سياستدانان پکښي داهزاري صوبي جوړولو خبري کوي بعض پکښي دا سرائيکي صوبي خبري کوي او بعض پکښي په سنده کښي د يو نوي صوبي جو ړولوخبري کوي کومي چي عجيبه دي ځکه چي دا هغه مسئلي دي کومي چي چيړل نه دي پکار خو داخبري هغه سياسي پارټي کوي دکوموچي په دغه  صوبي جوړولو کښي د خپل مقاصد نه علاوه هيڅ نشته هغوي داخبري صرف دے له پاره کوي چي په متعلقه صوبي کښي خپل ووټ بينک جوړ کړي او بس.د هغوي د سره څه مطلب نشته چي دغه نوي صوبه چي دوي جوړول غواړي دابه څنګه چلوي آيا د پکستان حکومت دومره وسائل لري چي دغه نوي صوبي سپورټ کړي.دغه سياسي پارټي دے خبري ته سوچ ولي نه کوي چي په صوبو کښي صوبي جوړول به پاکستان سالميت ته څومره نقصان رسوي.دغه سياسي پارټو له پکار دي چي په دے خبره سوچ وکړي چي نوي صوبي جوړول خو آسان دي خو چلول يي ګران دي دا وسائل غواړي.په ځائي د دے چي دوي په صوبو کښي صوبي جوړي کړي دوي د هغه ځايونو خبري وکړي کوم ځائي کښي چي صوبي جوړول ضروري دي لکه فاټا.خو سوال دا دي چي دوي د فاټا صوبي جوړولو يا دا په پښتونخوا کښي ضم کولوخبره ولي وکړي؟ ځکه دغه ځائي کښي د دوي له پاره څه خاص اهميت نه لري او که دا دوي له اهميت نه لري نو که بل چادجوند او مرګ سوال هم وي دوي پکښي هيڅ دلچسپي نه لرې.که څه اهميت لرې نو بل چا له پاره به لري.

د پاکستان دے جمهوري حکومت دومره توره وکړه چي ددغي علاقه غير نه يي د غير د ليبل کوز کړو ځکه چي دے کښي د فريرنګي دور تور قانون   FCR  کښي يي ضروري تراميم وکړل کوم چي ډير نه ووخو دحکومت دغه سيمه خپلولو يوآغاز وکړو. دغي نه پس يي دے علاقي کښي پوليټيکل پارټيز ايکټ عملي کړواو سياسي پارټوته يي دے علاقي ته د دننه کيدو لار جوړه کړه.ډيري مذهبي پارټي وړاندي نه په څه نه څه طريقه دننه شوي دي او په دغه سيمه کښي يي خپل ځائي جوړ کړي د دغي غټه وجه دغه علاقي خلقو مذهب سره ډير جوښتوالي دے.دغه مذهبي پارټو به په څه نه څه طريقه خپلي هلي ځلي کولي خو نورو پارټو ته يي ځائي نه ورکو خو دے ايکټ دغه مسله هم حل کړه او سياسي پارټي خپلي هلي ځلي وس په آسانه دغه سيمه کښي شروع کولي شي.

که د پاکستان سياسي پارټو فا ټا باره کښي سوچ وکړي نو ډيره به ښه وي ځکه چي وس دا مسله حل کول ضروري دي ځکه فاټا وس نه يواځي د پاکستان بلکي دا د ټولي نړي مسئله ده او دا علاقه وس هغوي له پاره د پاکستان نه ډير اهميت لري ځکه چي هغوي دا علاقه خپل مذموم مقاصد له پاره ډيره زياته استعمال کړه خو وس د دے علاقي نه ويره محسوسه وي هغوي هم ددے علاقي مکمل حل غواړي.

په دي وخت کښي د فاټا باره کښي ډيري خبري اتري رواني دي څوک وائي فاټا دے يوه بيله صوبه جوړه کړي شي څوک وائي فاټا دے په پښتونخوا کښي ضم کړي شي. په دے ځقله سرف د عوامي نيشنل پارټي موقف راغلے دے کوم چي نه يواځي ددغي علاقي عوام فائده کښي دے بلکي جمهوريت ته هم نزدے دے هغه وائي چي د دغه ځائے د خلقو خوښه ده هغوي چي هره فيصله وکړه هغه به مونږ ته منظوره ويي. پارټي د دے مسئلي درست حل له پاره يوه جرګه د لطيف آفريدي ايډوکيټ په مشري کښي جوړه کړي چي دفاټا مسئلي درست حل راوباسي د جرګي مشر دا خبره سر ګنده کړي چي دوي به په وړومبي فرصت کښي د دغه علاقي د خلقو يوه جرګه رابلي چي د هغوي موقف معلوم کړي او بيا به دغه موقف وړاندي بوزي. دغي نه پس به د ټولو سياسي پارټو يوه لويه جرګه راغواړي چي هغوي ته د علاقي د خلقو موقف وړاندي کړي.

فاټا باره کښي د عوامي نيشنل پارټي موقف دا دي چي  فاټا له بيل تشخص ورکولو او يا په پښتونخوا کښي ضم کولو نه وړاندي دےد دغه خلقو رائے وړومبي معلومه کړي شي چي هغوي څه وائي آيا هغوي په دے صوبه کښي ضم کيدل غواړي که ځان له يو بيل تشخص غواړي.د پارټي ليډر شپ دا راتلونکي اليکشن په لړ کښې يو نوي تجويز هم وړاندي کړي چي تر کومه دغه دري اپشنو باندي غور کيږي تر هغي دے فاټا ته د پښتونخوا اسمبلي کښ حصه ورکړي شي چي ددغه محکومي علاقي عوام ته هم د خپل ځان قدر معلوم شي او د پاکستان حکومت دي دا يو ټيسټ په توګه خپله کړي چي ددي نتيجه څه راوځي.د عوامي نيشنل پارټي دا يو ډير ښه او مثبت او سو چ دے. د پارټي مشران به په دے خبره صدر او وزير اعظم سره خبري اتري کوي خو سوال دا پيدا کيږي چي آيا نوري پارټي د مذهبي نه علاوه به د خبره سپورټ کړي که نه؟ ځکه چي هم هغه زړه خبره چي هغوي به ولي دا خبره سپورټ کوي د هغوي دلته څه خاص مفادات نشته او که شته نو هغه ډير کم دي خو هغوي دا خبره ولي هيروي چي ددے علاقي سياسي مفادات او اهميت څکو هم د نظر نه نشي غورځولي.

وس رازو دے خبري ته چي آيا دپاکستان حکومت به دومره غټ قدم اغستو جوګه دے چي فاټا ته د يوي بيلي صوبي شناخت ورکړي.زما په خيال به د مشکله وي ځکه چي د پاکستان 65 کاله تاريخ باندي نظر واچولي شي نو دا به معلومه شي چي جمهوري حکومت خپل وخت هيڅ کله نه دے مکمل کړي او نه چا دغه وخت مکمل کولو ته پريښودي چي ملکي مسئلي حل کړي.دا وړمبي جمهوري حکومت به وي کوم چي خپل جمهوري وخت پوره کړي نو ځکه يي دومره مسئلي حل کړي او وس يي مخه فاټآ ته شوي خو يو ورسره وخت نشته او بل اپوزيشن پارټي يي نورو مسئلو کښي اغږي نو ځکه يي دَ فاټا مسئلي نه ماتيګي خو بيا هم خپل کو شش کوي چي دا مسئله په صيح توګه د عوامو سوچ مطابق حل کړي.

دا خو د حکومت خبره شوه وس رازودفاټا عوام ته که هغوي ته دفاټا مستقبل فيصله کولو اختيار ورکړي شي نو هغوي به هيڅ کله هم په دے خبره متفق نه شي چي فاټا دے يوه بيله صوبه جوړه کړي شي ځکه چي اووه واړه ايجنسي به دا غواړي چي د صوبي دارالخلافه دے دغه ايجنسي کښي وټاکلي شي نو په دي به د هغوي لانجه رازي اوکه فرض که هغوي په يو اجنسي کښي په دارلخلافه رضا هم شو نو هغوي ته به دغه ايجنسي ته تګ ډير ګران وي چرته چي دارالخلافه جوړه کړي شي ځکه چي که په نقشه کښي ايجنسو ته وکتي شي نو دا به معلومه شي چي ټولي ايجنسي يو بل پسي پرتي دي داسي ايجنسي پکښي نشته چي هغي ته نوري ايجنسو نه راتګ آسان وي فرض که دغه دارلخلافه په خيبر ايجنسي کښي وټاکلي شي نو اورکزئي،کرم اومومند ايجنسو نه خو دے ته تګ آسان دے خو باجوړ، جنوبي او شمالي ته دغي ته تګ ډير ګران دے دغي له پاره به هغه دوه ايجنسي کراس کوي او بيا به چرته خيبر ايجنسي ته رسي کومه چي ګرانه نه بلکي ناممکنه ده.

دريمه د چي که فاټا له دبيلي صوبي شناخت ورکړي شي نو آيا فاټا کښي دومره وسائل شته چي هغه به خپل ځان سپورټ کړي يا با وفاق ته څه ورکړي چي د غي په بدله کښي هغه دوي له څه ورکړي ځکه چي د پارليماني نظام حکومت طريقه کار هم دغه دے چي صوبي به خپل وسائل د ضرورت نه زيات وفاق ته ورکوي او وفاق به د دغي په بدله کښي دغه صوبي له هغه څيز ورکوي کوم چي دغه صوبي کښي کمي وي او زما په خيال فا ټا سره دومره وسائل نشته چي وړومبي پري خپل ضروريات پوره کړي او بيا زياتي وفاق ته ورکړي.

لنډه دا چي د دے مسئلي حل هم دغه کيدے شي چي فاټا دے مکمله د پښتونخوا حصه جوړه کړي شي ځکه چي  پښتونخوا دو مره وسائل لري چي ځان سره سراه فاټا هم وساتي . وس هم فاټا مکمل که نه وي نو ډير حده پوري په دے صوبي بوج ده.مثال په توګه فاټا ځوانان دلته تعليم حاصلوي او کاروبار هم دلته کوي کوم چي د دے صوبي نوي کول ته ډيره ګرانه کړي ده او هغوي پوزيشن اغستو سره هم هغه شعبو ته نشي تلي کوم چي د هغوي د ژوند مقصد وي ځکه چي د فاټا ځوانان په دغه پوسټونو په ميرټ وشي او که پاتي شي نو بيا د فاټا په کوټه وشي کومه چي ډيره تشويشناکه خبره ده. دتعليم نه علاوه هم ډير څيزونه داسي دي چي هغي کښي د فاټا خلقو د صوبي ته ډيره مسئله جوړه کړي.

 حکومت او سياسي پارټو له پکار دي چي خپل مفادات دے يو اړخ ته کيږدي او په صوبو کښي صوبي جوړولو په ځائي دادے  مسئلي درست حل راوباسي چي د دغه سيمي خلقو د پيړو راسي راروانه محرومي ازاله وشي.حکومت دے دغه علاقي نه تعليم يافته کسان را مخکښي کړي چي بے لالچه کارونه وکړي او خپل مستقبل باره کښي درستي فيصلي وکړي او دا علاقه مخ په وړاندي بوځي.

0 Illaaq Ghair (Strange Land)

Illaaq Ghair (Strange Land)

By Ihsanullah

The word Tribal Area was first used by British which literally mean Qabaili Illaqa. The wording is still used very frequently in every part of the world due to the importance of the area. Interestingly the resident of the tribal area used another wording Ilaqa Ghair for tribal area which literally means alien, foreign or strange land. The terminology used by the residence of the tribal belt or most of the Pashtoons. If the word Illaqa Ghair is thoroughly examine it would be easily to find out that the way the rulers treated the area before and after creation of Pakistan it is the exact wording I think to use for the area in the present context. Under government of Pakistan jurisdiction separate rules and regulation i.e. Frontier Crime Regulation (FCR) is specified for the area which simply means that they treated the area strangely. Pakistan Government is right to their claim that the area is come in their jurisdiction but in practically they do nothing for the area or in the area. Now the question arise that if Pakistan government claims that FATA is in their jurisdiction then why they used separate rules and regulation for it and why they neglect the area? It simply means that they also behave the area strangely. Neither any government nor any leader of Pakistan give proper attention to the area in all respects whether that is economic, political or other developmental areas. They totally ignored the area and their residence till 80s.

British divided the whole tribal belt in four agencies (unsettled area) that includes Khyber, Kurram, North Waziristan, South Waziristan and six Frontier regions (settled areas). After the creation of Pakistan the other three agencies Orakzai, Bajauar and Mohmand were established to make easier the administration. The distribution of the region was made on tribal base in the specific region. They give the name of that particular tribe to that agency. During British rule Tribal area gives a tough resistance to British in their forward policy to conquer the area and enter in Afghanistan. After many attack they couldn't conquer the area which compel the British to sign agreements with tribal chiefs to keep tribal peaceful. In those agreement tribal chief ensure that they would keep the tribal peaceful but in return British would pay allowances to them. British agree but sadly those allowances were not enough to fulfill the all needs of the area. However tribal were happy to get some money because of no other opportunity in the area of earning money. British were also happy by keeping the tribal peaceful by giving a small amount of allowances. Despite those allowances, British deliberately can't take any interests in development of the area and keep the area underdeveloped.

After independence of Pakistan all barbarian treaties of tribal belt with British were abrogated under Indian Independence Act, 1947 but keeps intact the Frontier Crime Regulation. Constitutionally tribal belt became independent and now it was up to the new state, Pakistan to sign fresh agreements with tribal elders in their own way. As like British the new born country Pakistan also used the same tactics by signing treaties with tribal chiefs through their political agents of different agencies in 1947 which declare tribal belt as a part of Pakistan. It was ruled by the central government directly through the Khyber Pakhtun Khawa Governor which was a wrong decision. 1n 1951-52 Governor enhance the structure of those agreements to get greater control and authority in the Tribal belt. Pakistan government took the decision of keeping the tribal belt directly under their jurisdiction from the fear that it might be possible that tribal would join Afghanistan or Khyber Pakhtunkhawa province to make a new independent Pukhtunistan state. That is why central government couldn't make it a separate province or to join it with Khyber Pakhtun Khawa. In the same context Government of Pakistan also kept the area underdeveloped like British from the fear that if they were developed they might aware of their rights which might create problems for them in the near future. Following the foot step of British, Pakistan government gives some sort of special allowances to the tribal chiefs and keeps them silent misery of the area continue. To keep tribal unaware of their rights government couldn't allow the political activities in the area. In this case they also faviour Maliks by giving representation into National Assembly through Electoral College. After independence only one member from FATA can be elected for National Assembly of Pakistan and that member would be nominate by the political agent. Later on the number of tribal members for National Assembly would enhance to 8. The rules of electing those members were also changed. The new rule was called Electoral College. In this rule 35,500 maliks were registered out of which only 8 may be elected. Political agent (the most powerful man in the tribal area) can select the malik of the particular agency for the National Assembly. In 1996, almost 50 years after independence adult franchise (casting of vote right for every citizen) were introduced in FATA. In 2002 through Legal Frame Work Order (LFO) the number of seats fro tribal area was increased to 12. Under article 247 sub-sections 7 of 1973 constitution, Supreme Court of Pakistan are barred from exercising jurisdiction over FATA. The draconian FCR is the supreme law of the FATA which couldn't be challenges any where in Pakistan.  

If Pakistan government treated the area in such a rude and strange manner then what can be expect from the innocent tribal? They were regularly depressed in one or other way through out the history which compel the tribal to think negatively. Due to lack of professionalism, lack of industries, lack of education, lack of awareness tribal think for an alternatives profession to earn money. And finally they find an easy way to earn money by helping the foreigners to settle them in the area. This was started in 70s the situation was not good in neighbour Afghanistan. They just give shelter to the foreigners and get lot of money. Those foreigners prepared tribal for war against Russia in Afghanistan and termed it Jihad. Tribal also carried the arms from Pakistan to Afghanistan through mules and donkeys which also became a good source of income for them. In this way it became a very useful business for them. In short for earning money they were used to fight war in Afghanistan as Mujahideens. Later on they were declared terrorist, they turn against those who used them and the result is in their hands.

In short we can say that FATA is the most misunderstood land of the world. Neither Pakistan government nor any other country of the world tries to think about the fact that what is the problem with the tribal area? If Pakistan government and international community want to get rid of the violence in the tribal area they should take some sort of bold steps. They first indulge the tribal in some useful activities which not only give them a profession for earning money and kept them busy. This would save their time and they couldn't waste their times in thinking about wasteful activities. Their salary should be high because if they give the small amount of money they would think for another source of money and defiantly that source would be Talibans (foreigner’s agents). According to Crisis Group Report of October 2009, 'The Taliban’s rank and file reportedly receive a monthly salary of rupees (Rs.) 15,000 (almost $190), much more than many other occupations – including the tribal levies who earn a monthly salary of Rs. 3,500 (roughly $43).'

Secondly government should strict the immigration rules with Afghanistan. This could restrict the militants to the place where he is. In this way militant couldn't move freely in both Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Thirdly government should think properly to give a separate provincial status to tribal area. It might be two provinces due to its large area or government should add some adjacent area to Khyber Pakhtunkhawa in it and the other give a separate status. Avoid the addition of FATA totally in Khyber Pakhtunkhawa because it might create problems in administration.

Fourthly if international community wants to help Pakistan in handling FATA problem they should give opportunity to young educated tribal in their own countries.

Many other reforms may also be brought in FATA to handle the problem of violence in FATA. Most importantly Pakistan government should give time because it will take years to bring peace in the Pukhtoon region otherwise the plane may be destroyed and it will cost much more than the present destructions.  

0 Educational Philosphy of Baacha Khan

Educational Philosphy of Baacha Khan

Ihsanullah

Pakhtuns were ruled indirectly by Mughals, Sikh and British. Usually invaders found prominent people with in pakhtuns and ruled through them. Most of the invaders tries to impose themselves over pkahtuns but can’t succeed. Of all those British was the wise one. They subjugate pakhtuns through Sikhs and ruled them indirectly. Fear from pakhtuns abilities, British planed to destroy them in every field of life particularly in education.

After capturing most of the Indian Sub-continent territory, British starts struggle for spreading Christianity. They introduced missionary activities. Through those missionary activities British aimed conversion of pakhtuns to Christianity to defend themselves in Indian Sub-continent. For that dirty purpose British used the sacred profession of doctors and teachers. They establish missionary hospitals and schools in different parts of the region. They penalized people like Dr. Penal, Dr. Edward Herbert, Dr. Clark and Dr. Pander for those missionary activities. These people used their professions for missionary activities. Herbert Edward (first British Commissioner of Peshawar) opens Edward Mission School at Peshawar in 1853. Sir Robert Croft was appointed its first Principal. Initially it was a primary school but later on given the status of Higher Secondary and then the famous Edward College.

To stop such activities some one has to come forward for the rescue of Islam and revival of pakhtuns. In such a critical situation a man with charismatic qualities appear on the hopeless scenario of the region and give a hope to the society. That man was Haji Abdul Wahid popularly known as Haji Sahib of Turangzai. He felt that both Sikhs and British want to destroy pakhtuns socially and economically. Pakhtuns were indulged in             un-Islamic activities which disturb their social life. To get rid of those un-Islamic activities, Haji Sahib starts a movement for the reformation of pakhtun society. During that movement he felt that for the success of this movement it is important to impart religious education in the innocent masses. For this purpose he opens a chain of Madaris (religious schools) through out the region to counteract missionary schools. Haji Sahib couldn’t establish those madaris himself but common pakhtuns established those madaris with their own funds and Haji Sahib only manages those madaris. The number of those madaris is ambiguous. The British record suggested it as 34 but other sources place them 72, 120 and 150 respectively. Haji Sahib himself inspects the schools every month. The system was going very well which annoyed the British. And they open a war against him and his schools. He was arrested in 1910 and sent to Jail. This forced him to leave the settled area and migrated to Mohmand Agency where he lived till his death (1937).

Migration of Haji Sahib disturbs his educational plane. Though his disciples reopen those schools but couldn’t maintain the discipline. It was near that the whole system might flop. In the meantime an admirer of Haji Sahib came forward and took the responsibility of educating pakhtuns. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was the name of that person and world knows him as Baacha Khan. He was a landlord but knows exactly that what pakhtuns would needed? He was a part of Haji Sahib social reforms movement but greatly impressed by his educational plane. In attachment with that educational plane, Baacha Khan and Maulvi Abdul Aziz open a madrasa-cum-school in 1910 at Utmanzai. The mullahs opposed the plane by declaring it as a missionary school but they have no real alternative. They oppose Baacha Khan and his colleagues on different occasion.

After establishing that school at Utmanzai, Baacha Khan indulged in family matters which disturb his educational plane. His busyness continued till 1920. During that spare of time, Baacha Khan visited the whole region frequently. In his visit he noted ignorance and illiteracy among pakhtuns. From those experiences he concluded that for the revival of pakhtun society a revolution is needed. And revolution needs leaders and scholars. Indeed education is prerequisite for producing such type of leaders and scholars. To educate pakhtuns, Baacha Khan kept the foundation of Azad Islamia School in 1921 at Utmanzai. Maqsud Jan Khan of Bannu became the first headmaster of that Azad School at Utmanzai. His elder brother Amir Mumtaz Khan joins the school as a teacher. Both these brother left Islamia College Peshawar during Khilafat movement studying in B.A. They were gifted by his father Amir Mukhtar Khan to the Azad School of Baacha Khan. When Maqsod Jan left the school to continue his education, his elder brother Amir Mumtaz Khan became the headmaster of this school. Lack of teaching staff compels Bacha Khan to teach himself in the school. His both sons Khan Abdul Ghani Khan and Khan Abdul Wali Khan were among the first students of that school.

The idea of Azad School became so popular among pakhtuns which is a pleasing moment for the founder but that shocked the British. They weren’t interested in the uplift of the pakhtuns. To stop Baacha Khan from such activities they used different tactics. They humiliate Khan Teachers, by giving greed of enough salary and offer them better posts in Govt. schools but can’t succeed to defame Khan’s educational plane. In 1921 they arrested Baacha Khan under 40 FCR when he was busy in making a football ground for school children and sentenced three years imprisonment. His imprisonment works in favour of schools and in no times the number of school branches raises rapidly. Most of those branches were open in Charsaddah, Mardan, Swabi and Nowshehra tehsils.

Azad Schools was affiliated with Jamia Millia, Delhi, on December 1, 1923. Jamia Millia conducts its examinations and a number of students after passing matriculation in Azad Schools joined Jamia Millia for further education. The schools mainly followed the Jamia syllabus with necessary modification required by the local environment. Pashto was adopted as medium of instruction but certain subjects were thoughts in English. The curriculum also included teaching of the Holy Quran, Hadith, Fiqah, Arabic language and Islamic history to impart religious education in the Pakhtuns.

Successful experience of Azad Schools boosts Baacha Khan Confidence. He starts thinking about the establishment of a society for the reformation of pakhtuns. In 1921 he established the society with the name of ‘Anjuman-e-Islah Afaghina’ (Society for the reformation of Afghans). The society aimed to encourage the economic, social and educational uplift of pakhtuns. He stressed upon the pakhtuns to take on professions for earning money despite using their valid time in useless activities. To set an example, Baacha Khan himself open a shop at Gur Mandi (sugar cane market) and start working by himself in his own fields. The establishment of this association also aimed that it would take the responsibility of supervision of Azad schools chain and work for the opening of other schools.

During his tours he observed that Pakhtuns were not even conscious that Pashto was their language, and wherever they went, they adopt the local language and forget their mother tongue. They don’t teach their language to others and did not care to read and write in Pashto. For propagation of Pashto language, Baacha Khan started ‘Pakhtun’ journal in May 1928. He was the editor of the journal. Yearly subscription of the journal was Rs. 4 rupees. To attract the attention of the students, its yearly subscription was reduced to two and half rupees. Journal is of medium size having forty pages. Initially the journal was published in Rawalpidi, then in Amritser and finally at Peshawar. The journal contained well written articles on different subjects like politics, Pashto literature, Pashto poetry, Islamic history, gender issues, Indian affairs, social problems of pakhtun society, Afghan affairs and etc. In no time Pakhtun journal became a mouth piece of the pakhtuns. People not only in pakhtunkhawa but abroad also demanded for the journal. Its circulation was reached from 500 to 3000 which show how famous is this journal among pakhtuns. The main reason of its famousness was that there is no Pashto journal in the region till 1928. Other reason was its topics which mostly cover all fields of the region.

British were first feared from the Azad Schools and then from Pakhtun magazine of Baacha Khan. That’s why he was continuously involved in one or other matter and banned the journal. After release Baacha Khan starts republishing that magazine. This was even continued after the creation Pakistan but they all don’t shake Baacha Khan from his educational plane. He continued his struggle of educating Pakhtun till his death. His mission was carried on by his disciples even after his death.

In 2007 Baacha Khan Trust (BKT) reorganizes chains of Baacha Khan Azad Schools under Baacha Khan Trust Education Foundation (BKTEF) label. Muhammad Raza was appointed its Managing Director. He works hard for its propagation and in no time he spread a chain of those schools through out Pakhtunkhawa and FATA. Round about 14 branches were open. Among those Mathra Branch is the pioneer which was opened on 1^st September 2007 at a place donated by Muhammad Hashim Babar, former Awami National Party leader. This was followed 13 more branches which were open in different parts of the region. Among those 2 branches were open in Peshawar, (Mathra and Nautia), Malakand (Totakan and Dargai) and Karak District. A branch in Charsadda, Mardan, Swabi, Dir upper, Landi Kotal, Chitral, Thal and Kohat were also opened later on.

BKTEF was under supervision of board of directors which comprise 11 members. Presently Dr. Khadim Hussain is working as its Managing Director. With promotion of primary education BKTEF also working for Youth leadership and Culture Development. Beside this it also worked in civil society and environmental projects as well. BKTEF follow Oxford syllabus with necessary modification according to the environment. The schools mainly focused on development of Pashto in addition with I.T and religious knowledge. Medium of instruction is Pashto and English. BKTEF used to give free of cost education. Foundations provide books, uniforms free of cost and its fee structure is nominal. 

Establishment of BKTEF is a great achievement of BKT. The system not only educates pakhtuns but it also promotes Non-violence philosophy of Baacha Khan. In current context Pakhtuns need this philosophy badly to shake off the label of violent and terrorist. BKTEF play its part by promoting primary education and other projects like community development and youth leadership. Beside these projects foundation should start a project focusing non-violence philosophy and find specialists in this field to deliver lectures on it and aware masses of its importance.     

The foundation achieves their goals but needs more improvement. Foundation can improve it further if they follow the disciplines of Baacha Khan for which he struggle in his entire life. Those disciplines are to live simply, be punctual, trust worthy, avoid useless activities and work hard. If they follow these very principles then a time wills come when this system wills rules over all other education system that was followed in the region.     

     

0 Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

Ihsanullah

1889/90:          Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was born in the house of Behram Khan at Utmanzai, Charsaada.

1896:   He was admitted in village mosque.

1898:   Admitted in Municipal Board High School Peshawar.

1901:               Admitted in Edward Mission High School, Kohati Gate Peshawar.         

1906:               Refused Commission Guides- the most prestigious army corps in the royal British defence.

1908:               Joined the Islamic School at Aligarh.

1909:               Decided against studying in England. 

1910:               Open a school with the assistance of Maulvi Abdul Aziz at his hometown Utmanzai.

1911:               Joined the reform movement of Haji Sahib of Turangzai.

1912:               Married to Meharqanda, daughter of Yar Muhammad Khan of Rajar.

1913:               His first son Abdul Ghani was born.

1913:               Attended a meeting of Muslim League in Agra.

1914:               On the invitation of Sheikh Mahmud-ul-Hasan went to Deoband with Maulvi Fazal Rabi and Maulvi Fazal Mahmud Makhfi.

1914:               Went to Bajaur to perform Chilla (Meditation in Seclusion).

1915:               The British authorities banned his mission of opening mosque schools.

1915:               In December his second son Abdul Wali Khan was born.

1918:               His first wife died in an epidemic.

1919:               Started his political career with protest against Rowalt Act.

1919:               Arrested on charges of sedition. Released on the surety of Rs.30, 000/.

1919:               Married for the second time with “Nambata”, cousin of his first wife and daughter of Sultan Muhammad Khan.

1920:               Went to Delhi to attend the Khilafat Conference.

1920:               Migrated to Kabul in Hijrat Movement.

1920:               Provincial Khilafat Committee was reconstituted and Abdul Gaffar Khan was appointed as its president.

1920:               Collected funds in Frontier Province for the Khilafat cause. The fund should be reserved for running the educational institutions in the province that has been closed in 1915 by the Government.

1921:               Baacha Khan kept the foundation of Azad Islamia School in 1921 at Utmanzai.

1921:               He founded the “Anjuman-i-Islah-ul-Afghania” (Society for the reform of the Afghans).

1921:               From his second wife a daughter named Mehar Taja was born on 25^th May, 1921.

1921:               He was arrested on 17^th December and sentenced three years rigorous imprisonment under 40 F.C.R (Frontier Crime Regulation). The charges registered against him were that he took active part in Hijrat movement and the return setup of Azad School.

1921:               Refused the Govt. offer in jail brought by his elder brother, Dr. Khan Sahib and some other prominent Pakhtun leaders. The government offers that he was free to open the Azad schools but should stop the country side visits, he would be release.

1922:               When he was in Jail his third son Abdul Ali Khan (the educationalist) was born from his second wife on 20^th August 1922 (Died on 19^th February 1997).

1923:               His mother died when he was in Dera Ghazi Khan Jail.

1923:               His elder brother Dr. Khan Sahib got his doctorate from Saint Thomas Hospital, London.

1924:               He was release from Jail.

1924:               On release from Jail, a Jirga at Utmanzai give him the title “Fakhr-e-Afghan” (Pride of Afghans).

1924:               He visited extensively the whole Frontier Province to see the Azad schools run by the Khudai Khidmatgars.

1926:               He went to Calcutta to attend the annual meeting of All Indian National Congress.

1926:               His father Behram Khan was died.

1926:               Went to Mecca to perform Hajj with his second wife and elder sister.

1926:               After performing Hajj, he with his wife visit to different places in Saudi Arabia, Palestine and etc. During his visit in Palestine his wife was died in Baith-ul-Muqaddas.

1928:               After return from Hajj in May 1928, he starts the publication of monthly journal “Pukhtoon” in Pashto language.

1928:               He established a group of young people by the name of “Jawan-e-Subah Sarhad” (Youth league of Frontier Province). This league was later on changed into the famous movement “Khudai Khidmatgar” (Servants of God).

1928:               Went to Calcutta with his colleagues to attend the Khilafat Conference. In Calcutta he met with Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, Dr. Muhammad Iqbal and Ali brothers to discuss the Frontier and Afghanistan situation.

1928:               On 11^th November he was appointed as vice president of Frontier Provincial committee.

1929:               He went to Lahore to attend the annual meeting of the congress, which demanded for the complete freedom of India.

1929:               He went to Lucknow to attend the Congress meeting. He met Ghandi and Nehru for the first time.

1929:               He celebrated the victory of Kabul by Nadir Khan over Bacha-i-Saqao in Hashtnagar along Khudai Khidmatgars.

1929:               He visited India to mobilize the support for the Pakhtun stands over the Afghanistan issue.

1929:               He reorganized the formal “Jawan-e-Subah Sarhad” (Youth league of Frontier Province) “Khudai Khidmatgar” (Servants of God). It was a social reform organization. With the passage of time harsh attitude of British turn it into political organization.

1929:               He resigned from the president ship of Khilafat Committee because the body became anti-Congress.

1929:               On 18^th and 19^th April the first official meeting of Khudai Khidmatgar was convened at Utmanzai. About 200 red shirts attend the meeting. 

1929:               In September, he founded the political wing of Khudai Khidmatgar “Zalmo Jirga” (Youth league). Later on it was called the “Afghan Jirga” (Afghan league).

1930:               On April 23^rd Abdul Gaffar Khan addressed a mass meeting at Utmanzai exhorting people to participate in civil disobedience movement.

1930:               In April, “Pakhtoon” Magazine was banned.

1930:               On 23^rd April Baacha Khan was arrested at Nahqi under F.C.R (Frontier Crime Regulation) and imprisoned for three years with his colleagues.

1930:               In response of Baacha Khan arrest, massacre of Kissa Khwani Bazaar take place on 23^rd April.

1930:               On 2^nd May, the people of Frontier strike against the Government.

1930:               On May 13^th the army besieged Utmanzai to force the people to leave the Khudadi Khidmatgar movement.

1930:               On 28^th May, massacre of Takkar take place.

1930:               During imprisonment Bacha Khan promised that he and his Khudai Khidmatgars join the Congress if they can help them in their release from Jail.

1931:               After one year imprisonment Bacha Kahn released with other Khudai Khidmatgars form Dera Gahzi Khan Jail under Ghandi-Irwin Pact.

1931:               In March he went to Karachi with 100 Khudai Khidmatgars to attend the Congress meeting in which he was invited formally for the first time.

1931:               In April Bacha Khan went to Delhi to attend the Congress session.

1931:               On 9^th June Bacha Khan proceed with Ghandi to Bombay to attend the Working committee meeting.

1931:               In July Devdas Ghandi, Mahatma Ghandi son reached to Peshawar to study the frontier situation carefully. He stayed with Bacha Khan at his home town Utmanzai.

1931:               To limit the influence of Khudai Khidmatgar movement Govt. start the Khaksar movement. Inayatullah Mashriqi, head master of Govt. high school Peshawar was appointed its first president.

1931:               On 30^th July Chief Commissioner of frontier Province Sir Stuart Pears interviewed Bacha Khan.

1931:               On 13^th August Bacha Khan went to Bombay to attend the All Indian National Congress meeting. It was decided that a new committee was open in the province by the name of Frontier Congress Committee or Frontier Province Jirga.

1931:               On 25^th August Bacha Khan went with Ghandi and Nehru to Simla for meeting with Viceroy.

1931:               His movement was banned and arrested on 24^th December from his home town Utmanzai and awarded three years rigorous imprisonment.

1934:               On 17^th August Baacha Khan undertook one week fast in sympathy with Ghandi fast.

1934:               On 27^th August Baacha Khan was released after three year imprisonment but his entry in Punjab and Frontier Province was still banned.

1934:               On 30^th September Baacha Khan addressed in a public meeting at Calcutta on the Hindu Muslim unity.

1934:               In Bombay he addressed a meeting which was classified as seditious. Due to that addressed he was rearrested on 7^th December from Wardah, United Province.

1936:               In August he was released but his entry in the N.W.F.P and Punjab was still banned. He went again to Wardah and stayed there with Ghandi.

1937:               In February general election 1937 result was declared in which Congress cum Khudai Khidmatgar secure 19 seats win out of 50 seats.

1937:               In March Baacha Khan with Ghandi proceed to Delhi to attend the All Indian National Congress Committee meeting.

1937:               The bane on Baacha Khan entry in Frontier and Punjab was lifted on 26^th August.

1937:               Baacha Khan left for Frontier on 15^th October after 6 years exile. He was received by Wali Khan in Utmanzai.

1937:               After return to the Frontier, Baacha Khan set out an extensive tour of the N.W.F.P and Baluchistan to reorganize Khudai Khidmatgar movement.

1938:               On 1^st May Ghandi reached to Frontier Province on his 8 days visit.

1938:               Baacha Khan and Ghandi left for Calcutta to attend the Congress working committee meeting.

1938:               Ghandi setout his second visit of one month to Frontier Province.

1938:               Pukhtoon magazine was restarted.

1940:               Baacha Khan left for Ramgarh, Bihar in March to attend the annual session of All Indian National Congress.

1940:               Baacha Khan attends Congress Working Committee meeting in October. Full confidence was shown by the member on him for leading the civil obedience movement in N.W.F.P.

1941:               On 23^rd December Baacha Khan went to Bardoli to attend the working committee meeting.

1941:               Baacha Khan arranged the training camps for Khudai Khidmatgars throughout the Frontier Province.

1942:               Baacha Khan and Ghandi both resign from all Indian National Congress and its working committee regarding its cooperation with Government in World War II.

1942:               In July Baacha Khan established “Markaz-i-Ala-i-Khudai Khidmatgaran” (Main office of Khudai Khidmatgars) at Sardaryab, 14 miles away from Peshawar.

1942:               On 27^th October, Baacha Khan was arrested with 50 Khudai Khidmatgars when he was delivering a speech in Mirwaiz Dheri, Mardan during Quite India Movement. Baacha Khan was beat by the police. His two ribs were broken arrested and send to Haripur Jail for two years.

1945:               On 14^th March Dr. Khan Sahib accepts Lord Cunningham invitation to form Congress ministry in Frontier Province.

1945:               On 17^th March Baacha Khan and all other political leaders were released under general amnesty announced by Lord Wavell, Viceroy of India.

1945:               Both Baacha Khan and Ghandi rejoin Congress and its Working Committee again in Bombay.

1945:               On 25^th June Baacha Khan and Dr. Khan Sahib attend Wavell Conference at Simla as a Congress representative.

1946:               Baacha Khan was elected as a member of Central Legislative Assembly of India.

1946:               In September Baacha Khan left for Delhi to discussed matters related to interim Govt. with Ghandi.

1947:               On 22^nd April Baacha Khan addressed the first Asian relation Conference.

1947:               In May “Zalmai Pakhtun” (Young Pakhtun) was established by Baacha Khan under his own guidance headed by his elder son Ghani Khan (Liwany pholsophy).

1947:               On 21^st June “Pakhtunistan” demand was raised in “Bannu Resolution”.

1947:               Baacha Khan attends a meeting with Ghandi, Mountbatten and Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Congress entrusted the task of referendum in N.W.F.P to Baacha Khan but he boycotted from referendum.

1947:               On 22^nd August, after the creation of Pakistan, Dr. Khan Ministry was illegally replaced with Qayum Khan.

1948:               In early month Baacha Khan went to Karachi to attend the session of first constitution Assembly of Pakistan.

1948:               On 23^rd February Baacha Khan took the oath of allegiance to Pakistan.

1948:               On 5^th March Baacha Khan addressed to the first legislative Assembly of Pakistan in Urdu.

1948:               In March Baacha Khan formed a political party “Jamiat-ul-Awam” in collaboration of G.M Sayed, Abdul Majeed Sindhi, Sheikh Hishamuddin and Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai. Baacha Khan was unanimously nominated as party president.

1948:               In mid April Muhammad Ali Jinnah visit NWFP. Baacha Khan welcomes him in frontier.

1948:               On 13^th May Baacha Khan announced that his movement of Khudai Khidmatgar would extend to all Provinces of Pakistan. His Khudai Khidmatgar movement would serve as a volunteer corps to Jamiat-ul-Awam, recently established by him.

1948:               In May Baacha Khan returned to NWFP and starts his visit throughout the Province to wake up the masses against the Government.

1948:               After ending the northern districts tour Baacha Khan was planning to start his visit in southern district. Before starting his tour he was arrested on 15^th June and imprisoned him for three years.

1948:               On 12^th August Babara incident take place. During that time Baacha Khan was in Jail.

1948:               In mid September NWFP Government declare Khudai Khidmatgar movement unlawful and their center at Sardaryab was destroyed.

1950:               In June his three years imprisonment was expired but his imprisonment was extended for six months many times under Bengal regulation 1818.

1952:               In February his colleague and best friend, the former education minister in Dr. Khan ministry, Qazi Attaullah was died in Jail.

1952:               In April Baacha Khan went through a serious operation in Mayo Hospital Lahore.

1954:               In January Baaha Khan and imprisoned Khudai Khdamatgarans were released, but he was confined to Rawalpindi Circuit house.

1954:               In March Baacha Khan was permitted to attend Bengal session of the Pakistan parliament. He addressed to the parliament in Urdu in which he explain the causes on the base of which he was imprisoned.

1954:               In September Baacha Khan opposed One-Unit system. On the issue of One-Unit he was disagree with his elder brother Dr. Khan Sahib, Chief Minister of western Unit of Pakistan.

1955:               In July the Govt. lift bane on the entry of Baacha Khan in Frontier.

1955:               On 16^th September Baacha Khan ended his frontier tour and then started his campaign in Baluchistan invited by Abdus Samad Khan Achakzai.

1955:               He was arrested in a way to Baluchistan in September with two other companions and send to Mach Jail but release on 26^th September.

1956:               On 16^th June Baacha Khan and Abdus Samad Khan Achakzai were rearrested at Shahi Bagh, Peshawar and Quetta respectively. Baacha Khan was alleged to the safety and territorial integrity of Pakistan, while abdus Samad Khan was arrested under public safety Act.

1956:               On 6^th September Baacha Khan trail was opened in Lahore High Court of under Justice Shabir Ahmad.

1956:               On September 6^th Baacha Khan submitted a 19 pages written statement to the court in which he writes about his all career. 

 1957:              On 24^th January the court give him rigorous punishment and to pay rupees 14,000/-. Baacha Khan refused and his property was confiscated.

1957:               Baacha Khan was released.

1957:               On 27^th January Baacha Khan joined Pakistan National Party, merger of six opposition parties.

1957:               The Chief Minister of West Pakistan, Dr. Khan Sahib was dismissed on 7^th July.

1957:               In July Baacha Khan, G.M. Sayed and Mian Iftikharuddin formed National Awami Party.

1958:               Baacha Khan published a pamphlet titled Pukhtanu au One-Unit (Pakhtun and One-Unit) against One-Unit scheme in West Pakistan.

1958:               On 13^th September Baacha Khan was arrested at Quetta for defying the district magistrate order of banning Baacha Khan entry in Baluchistan. He was arrested in Quetta taken to Peshawar and release there.

1958:               On 11^th October Baacha Khan with eight prominent leaders of East Pakistan was arrested under Pakistan Safety Act. Abdus Samad Khan Achakzai was also arrested and sentenced fourteen years rigorous imprisonment.

1959:               On 4^th April Baacha Khan was released. He started tour of frontier Province. Baacha Khan and all other politician disqualified from elective body until 1966 under EBDO (Elective bodies disqualification order).

1961:               On 12^th April Baacha Khan was arrested from D.I. Khan on his tour of southern side of Frontier Province under maintenance of Public Order Ordinance.

1962:               Amnesty International, a non political organization declared him “Prisoner of the year”.

1962:               In December Amnesty International demanded for the release of Baacha Khan because government extended his imprisonment period for every six months.

1964:               On 30^th January Baacha Khan was released from Haripur Jail when his health was deteriorated alarmingly.

1964:               On 27^th May Jawahir Lal Nehru was died. Baacha Khan send deeply grieved telegram to his daughter.

1964:               In September Baacha Khan was allowed by the Government to go to Great Britain for treatment. In London he met with Mr. Oleof Careo, the former governor general of NWFP.

1964:               On 12^th December Baacha Khan went to Afghanistan from United Kingdom.

1965:               Baacha Khan attends the inauguration ceremony of ‘Pakhtunistan day’ on 31^st August in Pakhtoonistan square at Kabul.

1969:               In May, the Indian awarded Baacha Khan with “Nehru peace award for 1969” for promotion international goodwill and understanding.

1969:               In June, the Indian Prime Minister Mrs. Indra Gandhi visited Kabul where she met with Baacha Khan and presented him a copy of Holy Quran and some Indian Khadi (kadhar) cloths.

1969:               Baacha Khan went to India via Berut (Lebnan) in September from Kabul.

1970:               In February Baacha Khan came back to Afghanistan from India.

1972:               On 24 December Baacha Khan was brought back to Pakistan after eight years exile by a Jirga. The Jirga comprised Abdul Wali Khan, Ajmal Khattak, Muhammad Afzal Khan, Maulana gul Badshah and Maulana Abdul Bari.

1975:               On 2^nd April a case was registered against Baacha Khan and he was detained on 13^th April sent to Khanpur rest house.

1976:               On 27^th August Baacha Khan was released.

1977:               On 1^st October general Zia-ul-Haq met with Baacha Khan on his tour to Peshawar.

1978:               On 2^nd March Baacha Khan left Pakistan for Afghanistan to compose his autobiography in Pushto “Zama Zhwand aau Jadd-o-Juhad” (My life and struggle).

1980:               On 26^th March Baacha Khan left Kabul for India for his medical check up.

1980:               On July 18^th Baacha Khan return to Kabul from India.

1980:               On 31^st August Baacha Khan left Kabul for USSR for his treatment.

1980:               On 11^th October Baacha Khan return to Kabul.

1981:               On 13^th February Baacha Khan fell ill.

1981:               On 19^th August Baacha Khan was called by Afghan President Babrak Karmal to discuss different matters.

1981:               On 6^th November left Kabul for India.

1982:               Returned to Kabul from India on 1^st January.

1982:               On 3rd March Baacha Khan got injuries when he fell down from his bed in his room at Jalalabad, admitted in Hospital at Kabul.

1982:               On 28^th April Baacha Khan returned to Pakistan.

1983:               Started a campaign against the proposed construction of Kalabagh Dam.

1983:               Baacha Khan visit throughout the Frontier Province to mobilize the public opinion against the Government in the regarding construction of Kalabagh Dam.

1984:               Baacha Khan was kept under house arrest due to his anti-Kalabagh Dam opinion.

1984:               On 1^st April Baacha Khan went to Kabul for Medical treatment.

1984:               On may 6^th Baacha Khan return to Pakistan from Kabul.

1984:               On 19^th July Baacha Khan left for Kabul accompanied by Mr. and Mrs. Wali Khan and Muhammad Azam Khan of Mardan.

1984:               On 29^th September Baacha Khan returned to Pakistan.

1985:               All Indian National Congress invite Baacha Khan for the centenary celebration. Baacha Khan left Peshawar for India on 26^th December accompanied by Wali Khan and his grandson Zulfiqar Ali Khan.

1986:               On 4^th January Baacha Khan returned to Peshawar.

1986:               Baacha Khan addressed for the last time in Pakhtoonkhuwa on 19^th April in World Pushto Conference.

1987:               In May Baacha Khan fell ill seriously and admitted in the Lady reading Hospital Peshawar.

1987:               On 4^th June due to paralytic attack Baacha Khan was transferred to All India Medical Institute of Medical Science by the invitation of Indian government. Baacha Khan stayed there up to August 16^th.

1987:               In India Baacha Khan was awarded by greatest Indian Award “Baharat Raten”.

1987:               Baacha Khan was brought back to Pakistan in August and admitted in Lady Reading Hospital for treatment.

1988:               From August to 20th January Baacha Khan was remained in Coma. He breathed his last on 20^th January at 6:35 A.M.

1988:               His Namaz-i-Janaza was held on Thursday 21^st January at 3:00 PM at Jinnah Park Peshawar.

1988:               On 22^nd January Baacha Khan was buried at Jalalabad in his own house according to his will.

Bibliography

1. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Zama Jwand aw Jadujuhad, Peshawar, Baacha Khan Research Centre, 2012.
2. Asma Begum, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan as a Social Reformer, M.A Thesis submitted to Pakistan Study Centre, University of Peshawar.
3. Farid Ahmed, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, A Profile, M.A Thesis submitted to Pakistan Study Centre, University of Peshawar.
4. Eknath Eswaran, Badshah Khan, A Man to match his Mountain, New Delhi, Penguin Books Limited, 1999.
5. D.G. Tendulkar, Faith is a Battle, Bombay, Gandhi Peace Foundation, 1967.
6. Rai Bahadur Diwan Chand, The Evolution of North West Frontier Province, Peshawar, Saeed Book Bank.
7. Farigh Bukhari, Tehreek-e-Azadi aur Baacha Khan, Fiction House, 1991.